Strategic planning Essay Example for Free

Strategic planning Essay Strategic planning refers to a course of action for outlining organizational objectives, carrying out planning to achieve those objectives, and measuring the usefulness of those strategies (Kovner Knickman, 2011). How will the organizational performance at Montefiore be measured? Performance measures are important for it improves communication internally among their employees and externally between the organization, customers, and stakeholders. After all, Montefiore effective communication for their strategic planning activities is explained in their mission statement, which is to heal, to teach, to discover, and to advance the health of the community that they serve (Kovner Knickman, 2011). Montefiore organizational performance should be measured to justify programs and their costs that should include a measure of supply and demand. For instance, patient appointments, which supply is the total of clinician hours and non-appointments (refills and messages) and for demands, the total number of request for appointments received on any given day from both internal and external sources. Montefiore organizational performance should be measured by showing accountability of stewardship of the tax payer’s dollars to show that they are addressing the needs of the society by making progress towards goals (Kovner Knickman, 2011). The vision is that all organizations within the department have performance measurement systems to reinforce their planning and evaluation activities (Kovner Knickman, 2011). Planning and evaluating activities is the responsibility of every individual within that department working together to develop valid and useful measures. Why don’t all HCOs have strategic goals like Montefiore’s? Unfortunately, not all health care organizations agree with strategic planning. Questions about its importance and successfulness have continued. The reason for this is that after decades of research the outcome of strategic planning on an organization’s performance is still not clear. Significant benefits from planning have been found in some studies while others have found no connection and some unfavorable outcomes (Kovner Knickman, 2011). What contributions should the management team make? Management teams contribute to clarifying common goals and purposes of the  organization to their employees. All employees contribute to the organization’s success. Organizing people, dollars, services, equipment to accomplish the work required by the employees is another contributing factor the management teams plays a role in (Kovner Knickman, 2011). Above all, management team contributions are about teamwork, collaboration and being responsible of resources entrusted to them. References Kovner, A. R., Knickman, J. R. (2011). Jonas Kovners Health Care Delivery in the United States (10th ed.). New York, NY: Springer.

Computers :: essays research papers

When you mention the word "technology," most people think about computers. Virtually every facet of our lives has some computerized component. The appliances in our homes have microprocessors built into them, as do our televisions. Even our cars have a computer. But the computer that everyone thinks of first is typically the personal computer, or PC. A PC is a general purpose tool built around a microprocessor. It has lots of different parts -- memory, a hard disk, a modem, etc. -- that work together. "General purpose" means that you can do many different things with a PC. You can use it to type documents, send e-mail, browse the Web and play games. In this article, we will talk about PCs in the general sense and all the different parts that go into them. You will learn about the various components and how they work together in a basic operating session. You'll also find out what the future may hold for these machines. Let's take a look at the main components of a typical desktop computer. * Central processing unit (CPU) - The microprocessor "brain" of the computer system is called the central processing unit. Everything that a computer does is overseen by the CPU. * Memory - This is very fast storage used to hold data. It has to be fast because it connects directly to the microprocessor. There are several specific types of memory in a computer: o Random-access memory (RAM) - Used to temporarily store information that the computer is currently working with o Read-only memory (ROM) - A permanent type of memory storage used by the computer for important data that does not change o Basic input/output system (BIOS) - A type of ROM that is used by the computer to establish basic communication when the computer is first turned on o Caching - The storing of frequently used data in extremely fast RAM that connects directly to the CPU o Virtual memory - Space on a hard disk used to temporarily store data and swap it in and out of RAM as needed # otherboard - This is the main circuit board that all of the other internal components connect to. The CPU and memory are usually on the motherboard. Other systems may be found directly on the motherboard or connected to it through a secondary connection. For example, a sound card can be built into the motherboard or connected through PCI.

Culture of American Indians Essay

In Against the Grain, environmental journalist Richard Manning (2004) argues that notions of class and property are a direct result of the emergence of agricultural civilizations beginning 10,000 years ago. This is because of the social necessities demanded by distribution and storage of surplus. Conversely, he points out the contrastingly egalitarian nature of the hunter-gatherer lifestyles and the deeper social ties which result from cooperative food acquisition. Consider for example, the Plains Indians of North America prior to the arrival of European settlers, who would utilize their knowledge of buffalo movement patterns to haze and herd them, towards a cliff. By diverting the stampede of a large number of animals to their sudden vertical death, they would obtain a caloric pay-off through minimal effort, but â€Å"required social organization and sharing, both of the labor and of the proceeds.† (Manning, 2004; South Dakota State Historical Society Education Kit, 2008) Yet despite this element of uncertainty in hunting and gathering, Richard Steckel notes that towards the end of the 19th century, the Plains Indians were among the tallest people in the world and argues despite the numerous technological and agricultural advances they did not have, they were surprisingly well-nourished compared to whites, indicating that agriculture should not be taken for granted as the sign of social advancement it is purported be, Manning notes that, in the absence of storage means and preservation technologies, it was impossible for the Plains Indians to hoard bison meat. Therefore wealth accumulation was impossible. As such, â€Å"communal feasting became the payoff for social organization,† argues Manning Agriculture on the hand, created social stratification in the form of governance, hierarchy and other institutions necessary for the management of food surplus. Although there is certain room for question to be made about the true egalitarianism of the hunter gatherer cultures of the Plains Indians, they certainly lacked some of the rigidly defined political structures which characterized those belonging to the cultures of Europeans at the point of first contact. Comanche leadership was rather informal, usually identifiable by consensus rather than by any formal nomination to the position and the longevity of a war chiefs authority lasted only as long as they were at war. (Bial, 2000) The Blackfoot people maintained a flexible social structure, a band, which was in constant flux. As such, social relationships were not determined solely by kinship but by residence. In modern times, the case for the difference between hunter-gatherer Native Americans such as the Plains Indians of pre-modern times and the agricultural Native Americans can be observed in the difference between the Inuit peoples, who live a predominantly hunter-gatherer lifestyle out in the Arctic regions (Snow, 1996) and the peoples of the Cherokee and Lakota. The Inuit are noted for their strong sense of community and flexible division of labor among gender lines. The Cherokee and the Lakota, however, have now long been agricultural societies characterized by their class and gender divisions, as well as their contentious disposition towards identity and blood quantum laws. REFERENCES Bial, R. (2000) Lifeways: The Comanche. New York: Benchmark Books. Manning, R. (2004) Against the Grain: How Agriculture Has Hijacked Civilization. New York: North Point Press. â€Å"Buffalo and the Plains Indians.† (2008, April 4) South Dakota State Historical Society Education Kit. Retrieved July 3, 2008 from: http://www.sdhistory.org/mus/ed/Buffalo%20Kit%20Activiteis/Teacher%20Resource.pdf Snow, D. R.. (1996) â€Å"The first Americans and the differentiation of hunter-gatherer cultures.† North America. Eds. Bruce G. Trigger and Wilcomb E. Washburn. Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Inca Road System - 25,000 Miles Connecting an Empire

The Inca Road (called Capaq Ñan or Qhapaq Ñan in the Inca language Quechua and Gran Ruta Inca in Spanish) was an essential part of the success of the Inca Empire. The road system included an astounding 25,000 miles of roads, bridges, tunnels, and causeways. Key Takeaways: The Inca Road The Inca Road includes 25,000 miles of roads, bridges, tunnels, and causeways, a straight line distance of 2,000 miles from Ecuador to ChileConstruction followed existing ancient roadways; Incas began improving it as part of its imperial movements by the mid-15th centuryWay stations were established at every 10–12 miles  Use was restricted to elites and their messengers, but commoners maintained, cleaned and repaired and set up businesses to cater to the travelersLikely nonelite access by miners and others Road construction began in the mid-fifteenth century when the Inca gained control over its neighbors and started expanding their empire. The construction exploited and expanded on existing ancient roadways, and it ended abruptly 125 years later when the Spanish arrived in Peru. In contrast, the Roman Empires road system, also built on existing roadways, included twice as many miles of road, but it took them 600 years to build. Four Roads from Cuzco The Inca road system runs the entire length of Peru and beyond, from Ecuador to Chile and northern Argentina, a straight-line distance of some 2,000 mi (3,200 km). The heart of the road system is at Cuzco, the political heart and capital of the Inca Empire. All the main roads radiated out from Cuzco, each named for and pointed in the cardinal directions away from Cuzco. Chinchaysuyu, headed to the north and ending in Quito, EcuadorCuntisuyu, to the west and to the Pacific coastCollasuyu, led southward, ending in Chile and northern ArgentinaAntisuyu, eastward to the western edge of the Amazon jungle According to historical records, the Chinchaysuyu road from Cuzco to Quito was the most important of these four, keeping the rulers of the empire in close touch with their lands and subject people in the north. Inca Road Construction Original Inca built canal and street in city of Ollantaytambo, Peru. Jeremy Horner / Corbis NX / Getty Images Plus Since wheeled vehicles were unknown to the Inca, the surfaces of the Inca Road were intended for foot traffic, accompanied by llamas or alpacas as pack animals. Some of the roadways were paved with stone cobbles, but many others were natural dirt pathways between 3.5–15 ft (1–4 meters) in width. The roads were primarily built along straight lines, with only a rare deflection by no more than 20 degrees within a 3 mi (5 km) stretch. In the highlands, the roads were constructed to avoid major curves. To traverse the mountainous regions, the Inca built long stairways and switchbacks; for lowland roads through marshes and wetlands they built causeways; crossing rivers and streams required bridges and culverts, and desert stretches included the making of oases and wells by low walls or cairns. Practical Concerns The roads were primarily built for practicality, and they were intended to move people, goods, and armies quickly and safely across the length and breadth of the empire. The Inca almost always kept the road below an altitude of 16,400 feet (5,000 meters), and where at all possible they followed flat inter-mountain valleys and across plateaus. The roads skirted much of the inhospitable South American desert coast, running instead  inland along the Andean foothills where sources of water could be found. Marshy areas were avoided where possible. Architectural innovations along the trail where difficulties could not be avoided included drainage systems of gutters and culverts, switchbacks, bridge spans, and in many places low walls built to bracket the road and protect it from erosion. In some places,  tunnels and retaining walls were built to allow safe navigation. The Atacama Desert Inca Road through the Atacama Desert. San Pedro de Atacama, Antofagasta Region, Chile (Lagunas Miscanti and Mià ±iques). Jimfeng / iStock / Getty Images Plus Precolumbian travel across Chiles Atacama desert could not be avoided, however. In the 16th century, the Contact-period Spanish historian Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo crossed the desert using the Inca Road. He describes having to break his people into small groups to share and carry food and water supplies. He also sent horsemen ahead to identify the location of the next available water source. Chilean archaeologist Luis Briones has argued that the famed Atacama geoglyphs carved into the desert pavement and on the Andean foothills were markers indicating where water sources, salt flats, and animal fodder could be found. Lodging Along the Inca Road According to 16th-century historical writers such as Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, people walked the Inca Road at the rate of about ~12-14 mi (20–22 km) a day. Accordingly, placed along the road at every 12–14 miles are tambos or tampu, small building clusters or villages which acted as rest stops. These way stations provided lodging, food, and supplies for travelers, as well as opportunities for trading with local businesses. Several small facilities were kept as storage spaces to support tampu, of many different sizes. Royal officials called tocricoc were in charge of the cleanliness and maintenance of the roads; but a constant presence that could not be stamped out were pomaranra, road thieves or bandits. Carrying the Mail Steps cut into the native mountainside for the Inca Road leading to Machu Picchu. Geraint Rowland Photography / Moment / Getty Images A postal system was an essential part of the Inca Road, with relay runners called chasqui stationed along the road at .8 mi (1.4 km) intervals. Information was taken along the road either verbally or stored in the Inca writing systems of knotted strings called quipu. In special circumstances, exotic goods could be carried by the chasqui: it was reported that the ruler Topa Inca (ruled 1471–1493) could dine in Cuzco on two-day-old fish brought in from the coast, a travel rate of about 150 mi (240 km) each day. American packaging researcher Zachary Frenzel (2017) studied methods used by Incan travelers as illustrated by Spanish chroniclers. People on the trails used rope bundles, cloth sacks, or large clay pots known as aribalos to carry goods. The aribalos were likely used for the movement of chicha beer, a maize-based mildly alcoholic beverage that was an important element of elite Inca rituals. Frenzel found that traffic continued on the road after the Spanish arrived in the same manner, except for the addition of wooden trunks and leather bota bags for carrying liquids. Non-State Uses Chilean archaeologist Francisco Garrido (2016, 2017) has argued that the Inca Road also served as a traffic route for bottom-up entrepreneurs. The Inca-Spanish historian Garcilaso de la Vega stated unequivocally that commoners were not permitted to use the roads unless they had been sent to run errands by the Inca rulers or their local chiefs. However, was that ever a practical reality of policing 40,000 km? Garrido surveyed a portion of the Inca Road itself and other nearby archaeological sites in the Atacama desert in Chile and found that the roads were used by the miners to circulate mining and other craft products on the road and to funnel off-road traffic to and from the local mining camps. Interestingly, a group of economists led by Christian Volpe (2017) studied the effects of modern expansions on the Inca road system, and suggest that in modern times, improvements in transport infrastructure have had a significant positive impact on various companies exports and job growth. Selected Sources Hiking the section of the Inca Road leading to Machu Picchu is a popular tourist experience. Contreras, Daniel A. How Far to Conchucos? A Gis Approach to Assessing the Implications of Exotic Materials at Chavà ­n De Huà ¡ntar. World Archaeology 43.3 (2011): 380–97. Print.Garrido Escobar, Franciso Javier. Mining and the Inca Road in the Prehistoric Atacama Desert, Chile. University of Pittsburgh, 2015. Print.Garrido, Francisco. Rethinking Imperial Infrastructure: A Bottom-up Perspective on the Inca Road. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 43 (2016): 94–109. Print.Garrido, Francisco, and Diego Salazar. Imperial Expansion and Local Agency: A Case Study of Labor Organization under Inca Rule. American Anthropologist 119.4 (2017): 631–44. Print.Marsh, Erik J., et al. Dating the Expansion of the Inca Empire: Bayesian Models from Ecuador and Argentina. Radiocarbon 59.1 (2017): 117–40. Print.Wilkinson, Darryl. Infrastructure and Inequality: An Archaeology of the Inka Road through the Amaybamba Cloud Forests. Journal of Social Archaeology 19.1 (2019): 27–46. Print.